Articles

In the days when the sun shone high over the Empire, the true Englishman’s education wasn’t complete without a Grand Tour, of which Europe was most important on the itinerary. Now the Grand Tour is over, but Brexit has broken more hearts among India’s elitist Anglophiles than among Britain’s Club Class. While British nationalists were celebrating the UK’s exit from the European Union (EU), globalised marketers were in shock as stock markets nosedived. They weren’t alone. All over the world, the money-minting club of punters, shady investors and money launderers were moaning the UK’s au revoir to the Continent and the fading of the One Currency One Market maxim. The drawing rooms of Mayfair and hip restaurants of Soho had provided them not just intimate habitat to strike questionable business deals but also convenient rendezvous to economically demolish nationalism and dilute geographical and cultural affinities.

Brexit also sent a strong message to rulers—Don’t Break Boundaries. Those who ignore the collective wisdom of their core constituencies do so at their peril. Politicians who win elections by just promising jobs and security cannot place global interests over local. In economic terminology, the pendulum moves faster from the centre to the extreme right.

Ideologically, nationalism is not a dirty word anymore, even in the most liberal parts of the world. After four decades, an attempt to perpetuate a cartographically inclusive market was roundly trounced by the will to protect the geography of a nation. It was a victory of royal isolation over collective identity. Over and above the economic implications of Brexit, the Brit on the street saw in the outcome a sweet revenge against elitism. English author Richard Littlejohn wrote, “Tired of decades of deceit, sick of being patronised at home and sold over in the salons of Europe, the Secret People of England (and Wales) have exacted their revenge.”

The referendum also exposed the stark reality about the yawning disconnect between the ruling elite and masses. Prime Minister David Cameron and a few colleagues had made it their personal crusade to get a negative mandate against Exit Europe. But his own party members, such as former London Mayor Boris Johnson, were fighting for liberty from the EU. His campaign focused on immigration and economic sovereignty. Johnson declared after his victory: “We can pass our laws and set our taxes entirely according to the needs of the UK economy. We can control our own borders in a way that is not discriminatory but fair and balanced and take the wind out of the sails of the extremists and those who would play politics with immigration.”

Other parties on the same road, like the UK Independent Party led by the fiery Nigel Farage, were even more acerbic. It emphasised the danger posed by immigrants, especially Muslims. In one of his interviews, Farage thundered: “There is a special problem with some of the people who’ve come here and who are of the Muslim religion who don’t want to become part of our culture... People do see a fifth column living within our country, who hate us and want to kill us.” Numerous websites and social media platforms were flooded with venomous attacks on immigrants. A member of the local middle class was quoted as saying “We’re letting in rapists. We’re letting in sh*t. I have four children. How are they supposed to get jobs?” The UK saw 270,000 migrants from Europe last year than 10,000, 15 years ago. But most pollsters and analysts couldn’t gauge the growing mistrust against the EU. It was obvious that the opinion polls did not reflect the collective wish of the people but only of a selective sample chosen by agencies. Until a few hours before the result, experts were predicting that Brits would prefer to stay on. Even the betting market gave “Remain in EU” 96 per cent. By proving them all wrong, ordinary British citizens showed they cannot be influenced by glossies, well-heeled corporate honchos, sponsored sociology savants and evanescent economists. Basic issues like bread and butter with a better, secure life remained the guiding principles of democracy.

It was, however, surprising that Indian opinion-makers and know-all members of the market club appeared on prime time and headlines discussing the fallout of Brexit on Indian and other emerging economies. Almost every news channel and newspaper made it lead stories. They offered contradictory explanations for the cause and effect of the so-called “historical referendum”. Barring a moderate impact on the value of the rupee and a little over 2 per cent fall in the Sensex, nothing much went wrong in India. Though North Block mandarins were asserting that India was prepared for the “catastrophe”, the absence of PM Narendra Modi, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley and many key officials was indicative enough of Brexit’s outcome and impact on the economy. The fallout was a comic sight. When markets dived, marketers and speculators looked crippled and dismayed on Dalal Street though ordinary citizens were not even desultorily mentioning it.

Brexit also reinforces that if politicians are advised and led by those who have forgotten their indigenous moorings due to highbrow education, they are likely to face electoral rebellion. Concepts like globalisation and reforms may sound seductive for some, but they are losing their meaning and relevance faster even in the US, the place of their birth, where nationalist tone is dominating the electoral discourse. Americans want to live in peace and prosperity by closing the doors on others. Brexit has made liberalism an ideology, which encourages a coalition of classes on the prowl for more wealth. India needs to think of a desi variation of Brexit to rid itself of alien influences on its politics and economy. The sun has set on the new empire of internationalism.