04 Sep
Even in 2012, Akhilesh undertook a similar yatra, which bagged him over 220 seats and a little over 29 per cent votes in the state elections. Father Mulayam Singh Yadav used to fight elections using social engineering based on caste and communal equations. But Akhilesh won the last round thanks to the dynamics of dynasty and pedigree. Anti-incumbency emotions against his predecessor Mayawati also helped. This time he wants to win on the basis of performance alone. But he has competition in India’s most visible Gandhiputra. Rahul has been advised to avoid short shoot-and-scoot appearances and spend maximum time on the road. From early next week, he will start the longest yatra of his 14-year political career. With ill-health preventing his mother Sonia Gandhi from undertaking a political campaign, it is now left to Rahul to prove that he has earned his place in national politics through the democratic process and not just by the virtue of lineage. The mini road shows he undertook in the past didn’t bring him much political dividends. He campaigned vigorously in the UP elections of 2007 and 2012, but the Congress won barely over two-dozen seats. Its vote share has declined sharply since then.
Uttar Pradesh, which gave India three of its four PMs—all from the Nehru-Gandhi Parivar—who ran the country for about 36 years, has denied the family a chance to rule the state for the past 26 years. Along with the Congress leadership, Rahul has also inherited the task of varnishing the Gandhi political aura by winning a mandate from the state. Ever since Sonia took over the leadership of the party in 1998, both mother and son have been avoiding any mass contact with workers except in Amethi and Raebareli. They were under the impression that the historical vortex of Force Gandhi was powerful enough to pull in voters. Sonia succeeded in restoring the Congress at the Centre in 2004 and 2009, but could not retain control over most states. Her party, which ruled two-thirds of states in 2000, today lords over less than one-third—most of which are tiny.
In this context, only a reasonable victory in Uttar Pradesh can re-establish Rahul’s credibility as the future leader instead of the liability he is accused of being for the party. The Jan Jagran Yatra is his political compulsion rather than a sassy strategy. He has chosen as his playground the upper caste-dominated eastern UP to woo traditional Congress supporters who had moved towards the BJP or BSP over the past three decades. His yatra will begin from Deoria and will cover 2,500 km in almost a month. He will travel through 55 of the 80 Lok Sabha constituencies and 223 Assembly seats spread across 39 districts. Unlike in the past, when he would just stroll through mohallas, Rahul will energetically address street corner meetings. He will try to bring back to the fold Dalits, Brahmins, Muslims and farmers who form the party’s traditional vote bank.
For the first time in UP, two leaders of almost the same age and mien will engage in a duel to secure a democratic mandate for their dynasties. While Akhilesh wants to retain Lucknow, Rahul is fighting to imprint his political acceptability in UP that was once his family’s cradle. For Akhilesh, victory in the state is the escalator leading up to the national arena. If he wins for a second time, the tread of another scion’s yatra will be heard on the road to Indraprastha, challenging both a Gandhi on the move and India’s most powerful and popular chaiwala from Gujarat who is redefining the idea of India from Race Course Road.